JAKARTA – Ramadan is always the most anticipated month for Muslims around the world. Among the various traditions and practices that color this holy month, iftar holds an exceptionally special place. Every day, when the Maghrib call to prayer rings out, millions of Muslims from diverse backgrounds, cultures, and nations unite in a single shared moment: ending their fast.

Yet iftar is far more than eating and drinking after a day of fasting. It is a socio-spiritual institution that has transcended narrow religious boundaries and evolved into a global cultural phenomenon. On one hand, there is ongoing discourse about the exclusivity of iftar as something belonging only to Muslims. On the other, a growing number of initiatives use iftar as a means of strengthening interfaith and intercultural relationships.

This article seeks to answer a fundamental question: what exactly is iftar? What does it mean in Islam? How has it transformed in the modern age? And does Islam confine iftar to an exclusive practice? By unpacking the various dimensions of iftar — from etymology and Islamic jurisprudence to contemporary social phenomena — this article argues that iftar is, at its heart, an open invitation to celebrate our shared humanity.

Definition of Iftar

Etymologically, the word iftar (إفطار) derives from the Arabic root afthara-yufthiru (أفطر – يفطر), meaning “to break” or “to cancel one’s fast.” It is the mashdar (verbal noun) of a quadriliteral augmented verb following the pattern if’āl (إفعال), which carries a causative sense: the deliberate act of causing the fast to end.

In classical Arabic, the root fithr (فطر) carries the primary meaning of “to split open” or “to open,” as found in the phrase fithr al-ṣā’im — the opening of the faster’s fast. This meaning later developed into the technical term referring to the act of concluding the fast by consuming food or drink after sunset.

 Terminological Meaning in Islamic Law

In Islamic law, iftar is defined as the deliberate act of concluding the fast by introducing something into the body — whether food, drink, or any other fast-breaking substance — after the sun has set (ghurūb al-shams). This act marks the end of the period of restraint that begins from the rise of the true dawn (fajr ṣādiq) each morning.

Islamic jurists are in unanimous agreement that iftar is an integral component of the Ramadan fast, which was made obligatory by Allah in Surah Al-Baqarah, verses 183–187. The designation of sunset as the iftar time carries a profound wisdom: Allah grants His servants a dispensation (rukhṣah) to fulfill their bodily needs after enduring an entire day of patient restraint.

 The Virtues of Iftar

Iftar is not merely a biological necessity — it is laden with virtues (faḍā’il) transmitted through authentic hadith of the Prophet Muhammad (peace be upon him). At least three central virtues deserve particular attention.

First, iftar is one of the two joys promised to the fasting person. The Prophet said: “The fasting person has two moments of joy: joy when breaking his fast, and joy when he meets his Lord” (Narrated by Al-Bukhari and Muslim). This hadith demonstrates that the joy of iftar carries a spiritual weight equal to the joy awaiting the believer in the Hereafter.

Second, hastening the iftar is a highly encouraged Sunnah. The Prophet said: “My nation will continue to be in goodness as long as they hasten the breaking of the fast” (Narrated by Al-Bukhari and Muslim). This signals that hastening iftar is a mark of a healthy and vibrant Muslim community, and a gentle rejection of unnecessary religious rigidity.

Third, supplication at the time of iftar is among those prayers that are not rejected. The Prophet said: “Indeed, the fasting person has a supplication that is not rejected at the time of breaking his fast” (Narrated by Ibn Majah, graded hasan). Iftar is therefore a uniquely privileged window for heartfelt prayer and remembrance of Allah.

Recommended Practices During Iftar

There are several Prophetic sunnah relating to how iftar is conducted. Embodying these practices elevates iftar into a more spiritually meaningful experience.

(1) Hastening the fast-breaking (ta’jīl al-iftar). As soon as the Maghrib call to prayer is heard, it is recommended to break the fast without delay. This aligns directly with the hadith on hastening iftar narrated by Imam Bukhari and Muslim.

(2) Breaking the fast with dates or water. The Prophet would typically break his fast with fresh dates (ruṭab), dried dates (tamr), or plain water before performing the Maghrib prayer. Medically, dates contain natural sugars that rapidly restore blood glucose levels after a long fast.

(3) Reciting the iftar supplication. It is narrated that the Prophet would recite: “Dhahaba al-ẓama’u wa ibtallatil ‘urūqu wa thabata al-ajru inshā’Allāh” — meaning: “The thirst has gone, the veins are refreshed, and the reward is established, God willing.”

(4) Sharing food with others. Providing food for a fasting person earns a reward equal to theirs. The Prophet said: “Whoever feeds a fasting person will receive the same reward as him, without diminishing the fasting person’s reward in the slightest” (Narrated by Tirmidhi). This sunnah has become the theological foundation for the immense charitable culture surrounding iftar worldwide.

The Ruling on Iftar

Unlike the Ramadan fast itself — which is obligatory (wājib) — hastening the iftar is classified as sunnah muakkadah, a highly emphasized recommendation. Scholars of all four major schools of Islamic law agree that Muslims are actually discouraged from unnecessarily delaying their iftar until late at night, as this runs contrary to the principle of ease (taysīr) that is one of the foundational pillars of Islamic jurisprudence.

Ramadan is widely known as a month overflowing with blessings, and in this spirit Muslims eagerly compete in acts of worship and goodness — including transforming iftar into a vehicle for social worship. Imam Al-Ghazali affirms in Iḥyā’ ‘Ulūm al-Dīn that reviving Sunnah practices like communal iftar is one of the most powerful ways to enliven the symbols of Islam in public life.

The Problem with Iftar in the Modern Era

1. The Trap of Exclusivity

One of the central problems with iftar in the modern era is the tendency for it to become exclusive — both religiously and along class lines. From a religious standpoint, iftar is frequently understood as the exclusive domain of Muslims, leaving non-Muslims feeling they have no place in the moment. This perspective runs directly counter to the spirit of Islam as a raḥmatan lil-‘ālamīn — a mercy for all of humanity.

Socially and economically, iftar has undergone a troubling transformation: from a simple tradition of sharing food, it has in many places become a lavish banquet reserved for the wealthy. This shift represents a commodification of religious practice that distances iftar from its spiritual essence. While some Muslims spend enormous sums on extravagant hotel buffets, millions of others struggle to find even the most basic food to break their fast.

2. The Commercialization of Iftar

In many major Muslim cities, iftar has become a billion-dollar economic product. Restaurants compete with exclusive iftar packages, shopping malls treat Ramadan as their peak commercial season, and social media has transformed iftar into an aesthetic performance to be displayed online. This commercialization, while generating economic activity, risks hollowing out the spiritual and social values that lie at iftar’s core.

The True Meaning of Iftar

It is important to set the record straight: iftar is not a formal religious ritual with prescribed conditions, the way prayer (ṣalāh) or pilgrimage (ḥajj) might be. It is a moment in time — a transition between day and night, between restraint and the enjoyment of Allah’s blessings. It is a pause: from the exhaustion of work, from the harshness of life, from the world’s relentless demands.

Within the framework of Islamic theology, iftar teaches at least three fundamental lessons. The first is gratitude — recognizing that the ability to eat and drink is a gift not to be taken for granted. The second is brotherhood — understanding that sharing food is a universal language that transcends all divisions. The third is balance — recognizing that Islam does not endorse extreme asceticism, but rather a balance between worship and the legitimate fulfillment of worldly needs.

Iftar is not, at its core, a social event that must be grandly celebrated. But there is absolutely nothing wrong with making it one — provided it serves a meaningful purpose. When iftar becomes a vehicle for strengthening ties, helping those in need, and reaching across religious boundaries, it rises in spiritual value and becomes a multiplied act of worship. Ramadan, as a month of overflowing blessings, is the ideal opportunity to actualize this social potential.

The Transformation of Iftar as an Inclusive Medium of Outreach

Around the world, iftar has undergone a remarkable transformation into an effective instrument of da’wah and a bridge across cultures. Several concrete, real-world initiatives demonstrate that iftar can transcend the boundaries of religion and social class.

1. Interfaith Iftar

Since the era of President Bill Clinton, the White House has regularly held an “Iftar Dinner” that invites Muslim diplomats, community leaders, and representatives of diverse faiths. This tradition was continued under President Barack Obama as a symbol of America’s commitment to religious pluralism. In the United Kingdom, organizations such as Muslim Aid and Islamic Relief actively host “Open Iftar” events in public spaces, welcoming anyone regardless of faith, race, or background to break bread together.

In Germany, Turkish Muslim communities regularly hold Fastenbrechen (iftar) events that invite non-Muslim neighbors as a form of intercultural dialogue. Research demonstrates that shared iftar practices have been effective in reducing prejudice and building mutual understanding between Muslim and non-Muslim communities across European cities.

2. Social Iftar: Feeding the Vulnerable

In Indonesia, the tradition of the sharing iftar is deeply rooted. Each Ramadan, thousands of community iftar kitchens are established across the country to serve the poor, orphans, and the vulnerable. The Buka Puasa Bersama (communal iftar) programs held in mosques throughout the archipelago remain one of the most egalitarian traditions in the country, dissolving barriers between the wealthy and the poor.

In Saudi Arabia, the Wajbat Iftar program — initiated by the government and various charitable organizations — distributes millions of free iftar meals around the Grand Mosque in Mecca, the Prophet’s Mosque in Medina, and thousands of points across the country. More than 10 million iftar meals are distributed every Ramadan to pilgrims and residents alike, with no exceptions.

3. Mobile Iftar: Da’wah on Wheels

Another compelling innovation is the “Mobile Iftar” movement — a concept in which volunteer teams drive through cities to distribute iftar food packages to those who need them most: street workers, motorcycle taxi drivers, the homeless, and underserved communities. In Jakarta, organizations such as Rumah Zakat and Aksi Cepat Tanggap (ACT), alongside various young Muslim communities, actively run mobile iftar programs every Ramadan.

Similar movements have emerged in Malaysian cities, where “Iftar on the Street” programs are led by university associations and Muslim communities to reach marginalized groups. In Turkey, the “Sofra Kurma” program initiated by the Diyanet (Turkey’s Directorate of Religious Affairs) places long communal dining tables along city streets throughout Ramadan, welcoming all layers of society — Muslim and non-Muslim alike — to break fast together.

4. Virtual Iftar in the Digital Age

The COVID-19 pandemic of 2020–2022 gave rise to yet another phenomenon: Virtual Iftar. Thousands of Muslim communities around the world held communal iftars via Zoom, Google Meet, and social media platforms. Research shows that virtual iftar was not only able to sustain community bonds during periods of isolation, but also opened new opportunities for Muslim diaspora communities to connect with loved ones across the globe. Most remarkably, virtual interfaith iftars hosted by dialogue organizations reached far wider audiences than would ever be possible at a physical gathering.

Conclusion

Iftar is far more than a moment of breaking the fast. It is a fusion of personal spiritual dimensions — gratitude to Allah for the blessing of food and drink — and collective social dimensions: celebrating togetherness, dissolving social barriers, and deepening bonds of brotherhood.

One point must be stated with clarity: Islam has never confined iftar to an exclusive practice for any particular group. The tradition of the Prophet Muhammad himself demonstrates remarkable inclusivity — he regularly invited companions, guests, and even strangers to break the fast at his table. This is the spirit that should animate iftar in the modern age: an open invitation that transcends the boundaries of religion, ethnicity, and social class.

The various transformations of iftar examined in this article — from interfaith iftars at the White House to mobile iftar convoys on the streets of Jakarta — demonstrate that Muslims around the world are moving toward a richer and more inclusive understanding of what iftar truly means. This is Islam as raḥmatan lil-‘ālamīn: a tradition that uses the moment of breaking the fast not only for oneself, but to spread compassion across all of humanity.

References

Al-Asqalani, I. H. (2004). Fath al-Bari syarh Sahih al-Bukhari (Vol. 4). Dar al-Rayyan lil-Turats.

Al-Fairuzabadi, M. (2005). Al-Qamus al-Muhith (4th ed.). Muassasah al-Risalah.

Al-Ghazali, A. H. M. (2005). Ihya ‘Ulum al-Din (Vol. 1). Dar al-Ma’rifah.

Badan Amil Zakat Nasional (BAZNAS). (2023). Laporan program Ramadan 1444 H. BAZNAS.

Diyanet İşleri Başkanlığı. (2022). Ramazan sofra kurma programı raporu. Diyanet.

Hamid, A., & Badran, M. (2021). Digital Ramadan: Virtual iftar and the reimagination of Muslim community in the COVID-19 era. Journal of Muslim Minority Affairs, 41(3), 412–428. https://doi.org/10.1080/13602004.2021.1983471